Category: Design

The Eternal Problem of Income Inequality

In a strange coincidence, the last three books I’ve read all explored the problem of how to achieve equitable income distribution in society. The question comes back again and again: How is it that even as the world becomes increasingly developed and wealthier, the income gap between the rich and the poor not only fails to narrow but only increases exponentially? The trio of books — America: What Went Wrong?, The Shock Doctrine and Anarchism — conclude that the problem is due to a systemic flaw in the economy and the answer, optimistically, lies in our own hands.

whatwentwrongTaxing the Wrong People
Compiled from a nine-part series of articles in The Philadelphia Inquirer published in October 1991, America: What Went Wrong? , is the work of two journalists who provide exacting details of how obscenely wrong income inequality was in America in the 1990s. The reason behind it all, argued Donald Barlett and James Steele, lies in the tax system. Not only do loopholes exist that were exploited by companies, the tax system had been written to favour businesses at the expense of citizens. Together with the prevailing attitude then that acquiring debt would impose financial discipline on companies resulted in many expanding beyond their means. The result: alarming debts that drove businesses to bankruptcy and even those that survived had to carry out massive lay-offs or huge cost-cutting measures. It was the tax code that encouraged such reckless behaviour and to a certain extent, even protected the management that made such decisions after that while ordinary Americans took the full brunt of the fall — not only losing their jobs buy bearing the tax burden. Moreover, an industry grew out of handling these bankruptcies, and many consultants, lawyers and office-movers lined up to profit from facilitating the resulting mergers and acquisitions.

shockdoctrineA Tragic Economy Built on Tragedy
This idea of profiting from someone’s losses is applied to the global stage in Naomi Klein’s The Shock Doctrine, a solid journalistic piece about “disaster capitalism”. Drawing from the stories of Chile, Russia, Iraq, Poland, South Africa and Sri Lanka, she shows how disaster is no longer a tragedy but an opportunity for capitalists to swoop in and profit by imposing on them an economic regime guided by the teachings of the late economist Milton Friedman. The idea is elegantly simple: before a country can recover from shock (either from a disaster, if not use military might to shock them like Iraq) force them into taking on an economic shock therapy prescription of de-regulation, privatisation and reducing government spending often with the carrot of promised hefty loans from The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Such economic prescriptions and its promised “trickle-down-effects” have only resulted in these countries experiencing staggering increase in income inequality and lower than before standards of living. Moreover, the citizens become divided along class and the rich turn to private providers creating “gated communities”, while those who cannot afford it struggle with whatever little government help there is left.

anarchismPower To The People
So if the government is barely there, who else can we turn to but ourselves? The empowerment of the individual, argues Daniel Guérin in Anarchism, is really what this misunderstood political movement is about. Often associated with being anti-government and disorder, this books outlines its main beliefs and traces its evolution from its beginnings to the revolution in France of May 1968 in an effort to debunk what this movement is popularly known to be. Anarchy is only the start of anarchism and not its end because it is only then that people can freely associate with one another to organise themselves to self-manage their lives. One has to suspend the Hobbesian belief of human nature as “nasty” and “brutish” to appreciate the beauty that anarchism proposes. But far from suggesting it as utopian, one starts to question Hobbes could be wrong. After all, the history of the implementation of anarchism has shown much promise although it was never complete, and the increasing popularity of human rights, collaboration and the empowerment of the individual all seem to contain strains of the belief in goodness of the individual that lies central to this movement.

You Can Only Blame Yourself
This series of book reading brings the issue of income inequality through the prism of Marxism and arises at very similar conclusions made then — that the masses are simply not in control of the economy which determines their livelihood. There are so many layers of laws, systems and bureaucracies that continue to confuse us while those who draw them up go on making decisions for us. All we can seem to do is to put our faith that they will work for our best interests, but really, can we leave it as that? Because once things go wrong, we have no one to blame but our own apathy and suffer a decision which we had no hand in. Although, if that were to happen we can take comfort in the words of Allan Meltzer, an accused proponent of The Shock Doctrine, who said: “Ideas are alternatives waiting on a crisis to serve as the catalyst of change.”

So hold on to those alternatives, hopes and ideals, your revolution may just be next up.

Memory markers and objects

On what do you inscribe your memory on?

I have a friend who remembers places she has been by marking them to a song. So we would be listening to radio and she would suddenly say: “This song reminds me of a time when I was at… ”

That made me think about the objects and things around me and what triggered memories for me. I think it has got to be spaces. I associate a huge part of my memories with spaces thus I like to stick to a certain route to avoid places because of bad memories I have had. Sometimes, I do end up in the places I try to avoid and actually re-inscribe it with new memories.

Besides spaces, certain objects or colours also serve as memory markers for me. That probably explains why I am cluttered with so many things because I hang on to a lot of memories such that what my brain can no longer store I re-inscribe it to the things around me. It’s my brain’s way of data management.

I suppose the beauty of things, or what I am really amazed at, is how memories give life to dead objects. What it also means, is an object besides what it is socially defined as is also empty and its meaning is there for us to fill up with our own interpretations. So a nail clipper is what we define as it is socially but also to each and everyone of us, the nail clipper holds some other meaning too.

Ahhh… I hope you see the light.

Singapore Alternatives

dsc_0001How else can Singapore look like today?

This is a question lacking in the Singaporean psyche today. The Peoples’ Action Party’s version of the Singapore success story has been so entrenched as the only possibility that such a question often paralyses us. A nation that was not meant to be yet enjoying such stellar success today is such a amazing tale that we often see no need to revisit the what ifs. Even when we did try to re-imagine our present, we tend to fear a lack of success than imagine other possibilities of success.

Yet, if we look back at our history, there were choices and possibilities that could have led to a very different Singapore today. It was not simply just a choice between a communist or the democratic socialist one today as is so often told.

“Singapore – A Decade of Independence” is one book (left) that gives us a peek into these possibilities. It was published in 1975 by the Alumni International Singapore, an organization representing the old boys of tertiary educational institutions from eleven countries. In it are various essays written by figures such as Robert Yeo, Francis Thomas, Professor S.S. Ratnam and William Lim that propose alternatives to government policies then. These include the criticism on policies to control the growth of the population as well as calls for more support for the arts, raising the standards of the public transport and encouraging citizenship participation in policy-formulation. If anything, it shows that these issues, which are as pertinent today, have been a problem since ten years into our independence.

imageAn interesting point to note was how this book was meant to raise funds for the organisation to built a “Monument to the Early Pioneers” that never came true. All that is left of this effort is a foundation stone (right) that is found in the National Archives today. It was originally located at the waterfront side of Collyer Quay and was relocated to its present location because of road works there.

Another group that proposed an alternative vision of urban Singapore was the Singapore Planning and Urban Research Group (S.P.U.R.) that was set up in 1965 by a group of architects and planners. Its more prominent members include William Lim and Tay Kheng Soon. Its ideas and works can be found in “SPUR 1965-1967” (left), a self-published report and you can still purchase limited copies of it at Select Books. The proposals of this group are a clear alternative to Singapore’s urban renewal strategy that if implemented would have given a very different-looking city. For instance, they made calls for HDB neighbourhoods to have more distinct identities to better foster community-bonding, something that has only been implemented in recent times. Other more radical suggestions included questioning the plan to build distinct areas of work and living. S.P.U.R. pushed for the idea of housing work, living and play all in one mega structure so as to avoid transport congestion issues that we face today. For a sense of these structures, think of mixed-use buildings like People’s Park Complex and Golden Mile. The ability to do all three in one place eliminated the need for travel to a city centre for work and out of it to go home.

These books are but two examples of alternative visions of Singapore. I think the ability to imagine another Singapore is something fundamentally lacking in many of us. This apathy in imagination is probably because Singapore is so well run that it doesn’t need its people. Add to that, the fact that we can export our public sector expertise to other countries like Dubai and China shows how little Singaporeans can factor in the policy-making process. It is important to have alternatives in case things fail, and the seeming lack of it today is probably because Singaporeans have forgotten how to imagine.